Key Concepts

Taken from the Introduction of the book, “Unchecked, they’ll kill us all.”
We need reliable protection because the threat to our collective and individual security is not only real and increasing, but also very subtle. .As willing collaborators with the source of this threat, we are all dragged along by it towards our eventual demise, almost unaware of the danger

Political leaders empowered by a centuries-old, unwritten, unspoken but generally accepted diabolical law can and do start wars for us all. The central role they play in the genesis of all wars is given prominence throughout this book. Their war-creating roles are separated from their laudable peacetime duties, which help us live in coordinated communities without anarchy.

Accepted worldwide arrangements have, especially since the age of industrialization, given Political leaders significant leeway to instigate, plan, and prosecute armed conflicts for their followers, from the safety of their war-bunkers, which are maintained at their community’s expense. Who are the beneficiaries and losers from this perpetual arrangement? Unlike in the ancient and medieval periods, Political leaders now have the convenience of distant management of wars, while everyone else either fights in them or suffers the consequences. Previous attempts, especially within the League of Nations, to restrain their war-creating roles permanently proved unsuccessful since armed conflicts have continued worldwide with the usual devastating aftermath.

However, with technological advances at almost everyone’s fingertips and control, and with increasing global economic interdependence, there is progressive evidence of a modern tendency towards a single global community. This trend is even more entrenched with more commonly occurring interracial marriages and cross-cultural interactions. With these irreversible trends, military campaigns are consequently becoming progressively ‘unwinnable’ irrespective of military superiority. However, this plain reality is lost on the disciples of militarism, who normally do not die in the wars that they organize.

For instance, with only the early offshoots of ‘technological advances and globalization’ in operation, the mighty Union of Soviet Socialist Republics and lowly Afghanistan were pitched against one another in a long ‘nine-year war’ from December 1979 to February 1989, but the eventual outcome mocked their relative military strengths. Consider also the seemingly crawling, hesitant progress of the military super-power, the United States of America, in its conflicts in Afghanistan, Iraq, and the earlier conclusion to its involvement in Vietnam, or the results of the conflicts of the militarily sophisticated Israel versus the ‘weak’ Hamas and Hezbollah in Gaza and Lebanon, and that war between the free world, with its impressive collection of military arsenals and the shadowy terrorists of the Al-Qaeda network. Without a doubt, the needs of our collective security demand that the age-old method of applying the Unwritten Law for Wars, which calls on military might for the resolution of political and community disputes, be replaced by better methods.

This book provides a unique and fail-proof method of accurately predicting and preventing the start of all wars. The method, presented as Measures for the Prevention of Wars, is set and illustrated in the second section. The first section dwells on those primary and secondary causes of armed conflicts and the influence modern trends have on our collective security. Indeed, it offers an opportunity for a new world order in which a desire to start a war would become abnormal, ridiculous, and risky for the instigator. It would be impossible for anyone to initiate an armed conflict for any community because globally enforceable war-prevention mechanisms will have been put in place.

Armed conflicts—of which wars are extreme examples—and their aftermath, such as terrorism, are becoming more savage and indiscriminate in nature, leaving any one of us a potential victim. With the rapid pace of technological advances and modern trends, we appear incapable of completely neutralizing these increasing threats by any of the usual methods that are presently available.

However, preventing all wars is incredibly simple if there is a will to universally adopt the ideas and measures prescribed in section two of this book. The financial cost involved would be extremely low, especially when compared to the increasing cost of developing, buying, and maintaining the complex weapons systems that are used in military conflicts around the world.

This idea that all wars can be prevented may initially seem too incredible. As a result, this book has two sections. The first illustrates the principles on which this idea is based and will enhance an appreciation of its feasibility. A fundamental Unwritten Law for Wars will be seen to underlie every stage of an armed conflict. Since all the personalities involved with the instigation, planning, and prosecution of any war derive their authority from that law, all war efforts and consequences could therefore be negated in one stroke by making the law ineffectual.

The second section illustrates a practical method that accurately predicts and prevents the potential start of any armed conflict anywhere in the world. It also highlights its ease of application and potential effectiveness on a worldwide scale. The entire process would be enforced and monitored without resorting to any organized armed forces. The preventive method has a builtin ‘transition period’ to allow the world’s society to acquire a new attitude for persistent prevention of organized armed conflicts since people in every community currently consent to any wars that are organized for them, in spite of the obvious dangers.

Since ‘organized armed conflict’ is a global problem, the content of this book needs to be easily comprehended by most people. The differences of race, creed, or geographical location need not undermine such understanding. The ordinary people who fought with and lost their comrades-in-arms during any wars, the parent, brother, sister, family member, or friend who was deprived of a loved one in any conflict, present-day soldiers, their family members—indeed, anyone who has been affected by any wars or is bothered enough about the incessant cycles of organized armed conflicts or their inevitable aftermath has a right to easily understand the content of this book.

As a result, the book is written in a simple, relaxed, and easy-to-read style, while still retaining its main theme. The Table of Contents is plain but very detailed to enable easy navigation through the book by the reader. Illustrative imagery and historical facts are used by the author, and spices of humor are added; the suggestive poems, fictional stories, events, and scenes are reminiscent of reallife situations. The ‘text-reminder’ boxes at the end of some of the chapters should facilitate easier recall of their content.

Deliberate effort has been made to deprive the book of a complex ‘textbook format,’ which could make the reading too formal, but in view of its new ideas and discussions, its content will almost certainly be of interest to many, including politicians and their military advisers, social and political scientists, and other related professionals.

However, this book is first and foremost written for the regular man and woman. They would have the capacity, because of the power of their votes and influence on their politicians, to bring about the required change to the new world order in which routine peaceful co-existence among all communities would always prevail.

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